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In Good Faith: Wikipedia Collaboration and the Pursuit of the Universal Encyclopedia

Joseph M. Reagle Jr.

Copyright ©2008

Acknowledgements

In the following pages I observe that building an encyclopedia is a cumulative and interdependent activity, this work is no different. While I might have the occasionally interesting thought and I've no doubt make a few errors, this dissertation is a fabric woven from the contributions of many. So much so that it seems impossible to properly acknowledge all those who have influenced and supported this work. But as in any other seemingly impossible task, like creating an encyclopedia, one must start somewhere—and the perfect is the enemy of the good.

I extend my thanks to my committee chairperson, Helen Nissenbaum; I am sometimes forced to apologize that "I'm no philosopher," but Helen is and I'm glad because I think her care and attention has improved this work greatly. Also, since she first encouraged me to share and discuss Michael Sheeran's Beyond Majority Rule with her, which greatly influenced the substance and method of this work, she afforded me an admirable balance of intellectual freedom and challenge. Gabriella Coleman, also on my committee and fellow researcher of open communities, has been an enthusiastic reviewer and inspiration. Finally, I'm grateful to Natalia Levina, my third committee member, for introducing me to organizational research and recommending key authors who would inform much of this work.

Other faculty that merit a "thank you" are JoEllen Fisherkeller, Alex Galloway, Brett Gary, Ted Magder, W. Boyd Rayward, Siva Vaidhyanathan, and Jonathan Zimmerman. And though they didn't have a direct bearing on the present work, I'd also like to thank Tim Berners-Lee, Colin Burke, Tim Finin, Lawrence Lessig, and Lee McKnight for providing support throughout my career: they each helped me get to the point where I could do this project.

Colleagues and friends who discussed drafts, sent comments, listened to me talk an idea through, or pointed out a missed connection or useful reference include Melissa Aronczyk, Phoebe Ayers, Samir Chopra, Shay David, Said Hamideh, Sam Howard-Spink, Ian Jacobs, Rob Jones, Jelena Karanovic, Cormac Lawler, Lawrence Liang, Andrew Lih, David Parisi, Devon Powers, Evan Prodromou, Aaron Swartz, Michael Zimmer, and Jakob Voss. Also, members of the comp.text.tex discussion group were kind enough to help me with my LaTeX questions. Nora Schaddelee deserves special thanks for having put up with more of my wiki rambling than anyone else, and she also read the earliest—and cruftiest—draft of most every chapter that follows.

Also, thank you to the Wikipedians who spoke to me about their experiences. I have only named those people who have influenced or commented upon this work specifically, but the scope of this work includes many other conversations. Some appear as sources in this work, but most do not. Also, the vast majority of my sources are simply the public discourse of a community from which I have sampled only the tip of the iceberg, and I have portrayed only a fragment of that tip of research in this work. From a methodological perspective it seems odd to thank those who have contributed to a (public) archive and project, but I feel a sense of gratitude nevertheless. Additionally, I'm grateful to my friends and family, including those who had little interest in the particulars of this work but wished me well even so. Indeed, opportunities to talk about things other than school and Wikipedia were a welcome refuge at times.

Finally, I want to note a few institutions that in one way or another served as a home to me in the past few years. First, the World Wide Consortium (W3C) provided much of the inspiration for my interest in collaboration as did our conversations about consensus. The Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard Law School provided me an important opportunity to begin reflecting on online collaboration. The NYU Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development provided me with a pre-doctoral summer research grant, and its Department of Media, Culture, and Communication generously granted me a fellowship for my first three years of Ph.D. course work. Finally, most of this dissertation was written at the Carroll Gardens branch of the Brooklyn Public Library: a hospitable, though often noisy, environment in which I was surprisingly productive up in its little balcony of comics and tax forms.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements
1 Introduction
A Wikipedia Primer
Wikipedia
The Core Content Policies
A Bibliographic Note
Historical Heritage
2 Wikipedia's Heritage: the Universal Encyclopedia
The Index Card and Microfilm
Paul Otlet and the Universal Bibliographic Repertory
H. G. Wells and the World Brain
Vannevar Bush and the Memex
Digital Computers and Networks
Project Gutenberg
Interpedia
Distributed Encyclopedia
Nupedia
GNUPedia/GNE
The Web and Wikis
Wikipedia
Conclusion: Predicting the Future, Reading the Past
A Timeline of Events
3 The Production of Reference Works
Smart Guys and Wikiholics
The Busy Bees of Knowledge Production
Wasps, Shoulders, Ladders, and Bees
"The Best Way"
Memory and the Deluge of Knowledge
The Corporate Production of Reference Works
Wikipedia and "One for All"
Conclusion
Community and Collaboration
4 Wikipedia as an Open Content Community
The Wikipedia Community
Open Products
Transparency and Integrity
Non-Discrimination
Non-Interference
Challenges to Wikipedia's Openness
Can Anyone Really Edit?
Open Communities and Closed Law
Enclaves and Gender
Conclusion
5 Collaborative Good Faith Culture
Introduction
A Caveat about "Collaborative Culture"
Practice and Policy
Wikipedia Policy, Guidelines, and the Five Pillars
"Neutral Point Of View" and Good Faith: an Example
The Epistemic Stance of "Neutral Point Of View"
The Intersubjective Stance of Good Faith
Assuming the Best of Others
Patience
Civility
Humor
Conclusion
6 Leadership: The Benevolent Dictator
Leadership in Open Content Communities
Leadership and Wikipedia
Founders
Administrators and the Board
Discussing Leadership
Dictatorships and Jimbo's Role
Leadership and Good Faith Culture
Authorial Leadership, a Theory
Conclusion
Today and the Future
7 Encyclopedic Anxiety
Progressive and Conservative
Webster's Third at the Center of a Storm
Wikipedia Criticism
The Normativeness of the Reference Work
Web 2.0
Wikipedia's Critics
Collaborative Practice
Universal Vision
Encyclopedic Impulse
Technological Inspiration
Conclusion
8 Conclusion
9 Postscript: Methodology
Aspiration and Inspiration
Research: Time, Sites, and Tags
Bibliography

Chapter1
Introduction

Wikipedia is not merely an online encyclopedia; although the Web site is useful, popular, and permits nearly anyone to contribute, the site is only the most visible artifact of an active community. Unlike previous reference works which stand on library shelves distanced from the institutions, people, and discussions from which they arose, Wikipedia is a community and the encyclopedia is a snapshot of its continuing conversation. This conversation is frequently exasperating, often humorous, and occasionally profound. Most importantly, it sometimes reveals what I call a "good faith" culture. I believe Wikipedia and its collaborative culture is a realization—even if flawed—of a century's old pursuit of a universal encyclopedia: a technological inspired vision seeking to wed increased access to information with greater human accord. Elements of this good faith culture can be found in the following conversation about a possible “neo-Nazi attack” upon Wikipedia.

In early 2005 members of Stormfront, a "white pride" online forum, focused their sights on Wikipedia. In February, they sought to marshal votes against the deletion of the article "Jewish Ethnocentrism," an article favored by some "white nationalists" and making use of evolutionary psychologist Kevin MacDonald's controversial theories of a Jewish people in competition with and subjugating other ethnic groups. Their "alert," forwarded by Wikipedian AndyL (2005a), was surprisingly sensitive to the culture of Wikipedia by warning "you must give your reason as to why you voted to keep the article - needless to say you should do so in a cordial manner, those wishing to delete the article will latch onto anything they can as an excuse to be hostile towards anybody criticising Jewish culture." Six months later AndyL (2005b) again noticed that participants of Stormfront, perhaps dissatisfied with their earlier efforts, were considering using the software that runs Wikipedia, or even some of its content, to create their own ("forked") version more to their liking.

The charge of "Nazism" has a long and odd history in the realm of online community. One of the most famous aphorisms from earlier Internet discussion groups is Godwin's Law: "As an online discussion grows longer, the probability of a comparison involving Nazis or Hitler approaches one" (Godwin,1994a). 1 Godwin's Law speaks to a tendency of online participants to think the worst of each other. Yet, throughout the immense Wikipedia discussion threads prompted by a potential "neo-Nazi attack" no one compared anyone else to Hitler. Granted, some Stormfront members are self-identified Nazis for whom the term would not be an insult, but there was also serious disagreement between Wikipedians—and even the white racialists reminded themselves they need be cordial on Wikipedia.

In August of the same year Wikipedia user Amelkite, the owner/operator of the white supremacist Vanguard-News-Network, had his Wikipedia account blocked. MattCrypto, a Wikipedia administrator, thinking it unfair to block someone because of their affiliation rather than Wikipedia actions unblocked him. This prompted another administrator, SlimVirgin, to reblock pointing out Amelkite had posted a list of prominent Wikipedians thought to be Jews, or their conspirators, as well as information on how to counter Wikipedia controls of disruption. The conversation between Wikipedia administrators remained civil:

MattCrypto: Hi SlimVirgin, I don't like getting into conflict, particularly with things like block wars and protect wars, so I'm unhappy about this.

SlimVirgin: I take your point, Matt, but I feel you ought to have discussed this with the blocking admin, rather than undoing the block.

This interaction prompted Jimmy ('Jimbo') Wales, Wikipedia cofounder and leader, to write: "SlimVirgin, MattCrypto: this is why I love Wikipedians so much. I love this kind of discussion. Assume good faith, careful reasoning, a discussion which doesn't involve personal attacks of any kind, a disagreement with a positive exploration of the deeper issues" (Wales,2005g). Whereas Godwin's Law recognizes the tendency to think the worst of others, Wikipedia culture encourages contributors to treat and think of others well. For example, participants are supposed to abide by the norm of "Wikiquette" (Wikipedia,2006v), which includes the principles of "Assume Good Faith" (AGF) (Wikipedia,2006m) and "Please Do Not Bite the Newcomers" (Wikipedia,2006ab). Contributions to Wikipedia articles are supposed to be written from a "Neutral Point of View" (NPOV) (Wikipedia,2006x), which means articles should explain without advocating and characterize debates without engaging in them. Such Wikipedia norms and their relationship to the technology, discourse, and vision of a universal encyclopedia prompt me to ask: How should we understand this community's collaborative—"good faith"—culture? I claim that Wikipedia (the textual artifact, the community, and its culture) is the closest realization yet of a long held aspiration for a universal encyclopedia; I do this by way of history and ethnography in three parts.

I start part 1 by arguing that Wikipedia is an heir to a twentieth century vision of universal access and goodwill; an idea advocated by H. G. Wells and Paul Otlet almost a century ago. This vision is inspired by technological innovation—microfilm and index cards then, digital networks today—and driven by the encyclopedic impulse to capture and index everything known. In some ways my argument is an update to that made by Boyd Rayward (1994) who notes similarities between Paul Otlet's information "Repertory" and Project Xanadu, an early hypertext system. My effort entails not only showing similarities in the aspirations and technical features of these older visions and Wikipedia, but also the recovery and placement of a number of Wikipedia's predecessors (e.g., Project Gutenberg, Interpedia, Nupedia) within this history. Most importantly, until recently the universal encyclopedic vision had largely gone unfulfilled. With the relative success of Wikipedia, one can then ask: what makes it different?

One typical response to the question of Wikipedia's success is, of course, to focus on how it is produced. Unfortunately, while there is a rich literature on the production of reference works (e.g., McArthur,1986;Stockwell,2001;Yeo,2001) Wikipedia is rarely framed within this historical context. In an article for Wired Daniel Pink (2005) proves to be an exception. Pink posits three periods (types) of encyclopedia production: the "One Smart Guy" model of the earliest encyclopedias, the "One Best Way" model of Britannica's corporate knowledge production (in both a collective and commercial sense), and the "One for All" model of Wikipedia. While I appreciate this effort to think historically, in chapter 3, I also challenge Pink's periodization. I adopt Pink's three periods as my foil: adding some historical detail, and sometimes confirming and sometimes complicating the boundaries between the periods of lone genius and corporate activity. At the same time I engage the secondary literature on reference works to place Wikipedia within a history of knowledge production, focusing on their (often fervent) creators, and the cooperation, competition and plagiarism encountered in their production.

And while there is a burgeoning literature on the character of Wikipedia contribution including theories of production (e.g.,Ciffolilli,2003), motivation (e.g.,Bryant etal.,2005;Rafaeli etal.,2005;Kuznetsov,2006;Schroer and Hertel,2007;Johnson,2007), content structure (e.g.,Voss,2005;Buriol etal.,2006;Capocci etal.,2006), the strength and distribution of edits among participants (e.g.,Kittur etal.,2007b;Ortega and Gonzalez-Barahona,2007,2008), and article quality (e.g.,Anthony etal.,2005;Duguid,2006;Viegas etal.,2007;Ball,2007), I find the actual community and its collaborative culture to be most salient. For example, I believe to characterize Wikipedia as a "one for all," or even a "free-for-all," is incomplete because it neglects the importance of cultural norms within the community.

Therefore, in part 2 I turn to an ethnography of Wikipedia community, culture, and leadership. In chapter 4 I briefly describe Wikipedia community and test it against the criteria of what I call an open content community. This notion is inspired by Free and Open Source Software (FOSS) and the subsequent popularization of "openness" (as discussed inReagle,2006b) but focuses on community rather than copyright licenses. I then consider three cases that challenge Wikipedia's openness as "the free encyclopedia anyone can edit"—an appropriate motto for the universal vision of increased information access.

And while openness might be considered a virtue, it unfortunately does not mean all interaction is necessarily productive or enjoyable; in fact, openness often poses significant challenges to the community. These challenges can, in part, be addressed by the community's collaborative culture. The relevance of "prosocial" (Bowles and Gintis,1998;Sproull etal.,2004) culture has been noted by other scholars in the online context (e.g.,von Krogh,1998;Jarvenpaa and Leidner,1999;Preece and Ghozati,2001;Preece,2004) and Wikipedia provides an excellent opportunity, because of its reflective documentation and discourse, to see how such norms emerge and how they are enacted and understood. In particular, in chapter 6 I focus on the norms of "Neutral Point of View" and "Assume Good Faith" to argue that an open perspective on both knowledge claims and other contributors, respectively, makes for extraordinary collaborative potential in addition to coinciding with the earliest visionaries' call for international goodwill.

And just as the complexities inherent in the understanding and practice of openness and good faith reveal the character of Wikipedia, and prompt theoretical insights into this type of community, leadership, too, is fascinating and potentially generative. In open content communities, like Wikipedia, there is often a seemingly paradoxical use of the title "Benevolent Dictator" for leaders. In chapter 5, I explore discourse around the use of this moniker so as to address how leadership works in open content communities and provide the background for some of the concerns and norms encountered in earlier chapters. I first review existing literature on "emergent leadership" (Bass,1990;Yoo and Alavi,2004) and FOSS leadership (O'Mahony and Ferraro,2003,2004;Bosco,2004;O'Mahony and Ferraro,2007) and then relate excerpts from community discourse on how leadership is understood, performed, and discussed by Wikipedians. I conclude by integrating concepts from existing literature and my own findings into a theory of "authorial" leadership: leaders must parlay merit resulting from authoring something significant into a form of authority that can also be used in an autocratic fashion, to arbitrate between those of good faith or defend against those of bad faith, with a soft touch and humor when—and only when—necessary.

Finally, in part 3 I focus on the cultural reception and interpretation of Wikipedia. The way in which Wikipedia is collaboratively produced has caught the attention of the world. Discourse about the efficacy and legitimacy of such work abound, from the news pages of The New York Times to the satire of The Onion. Building on the literature around controversies surrounding specific reference works (e.g.,Einbinder,1964;Morton,1994;Wallace,2001) I make a broader argument that reference works can serve as a flashpoint for larger social anxieties about technological and social change. With this understanding in hand, I try to make sense of the social unease embodied in and prompted by Wikipedia by way of four themes present throughout this work: collaborative practice, universal vision, encyclopedic impulse, and technological inspiration.

I conclude with a reflection upon the metaphor of a jigsaw puzzle. In his 1936 manifesto for a World Brain, H. G. Wells proposed to bring together the puzzle pieces of "all the scattered and ineffective mental wealth of the world into something like a common understanding" (Wells,1936, p.920). Seventy years later, Wikipedia's logo is that of a not yet complete global jigsaw puzzle. I think this coincidence is representative of a shared dream across the decades. I also think the metaphor is useful in understanding Wikipedia collaboration: "Neutral Point of View" ensures that the scattered pieces of what we think we know can be joined and good faith facilitates the actual practice of fitting them together. I offer this metaphor of a puzzle as a means of understanding both Wikipedia's heritage and its collaborative culture today.

A description of my aspirations, influences, and research practice is also provided as a methodological postscript.

A Wikipedia Primer

Before launching into my discussion of reference works, I want to briefly introduce the Wikipedia (and wikis) and the core principles of its collaborative culture. With these in mind, I hope the reader can easily follow the rest of this work.

Wikipedia

Wikipedia is an online "wiki" based encyclopedia. "Wiki wiki" means "super fast" in the Hawaiian language, and Ward Cunningham chose the name for his project in 1995 to indicate the ease with which one could edit Web pages. In a sense, wikis captures the original conception of the World Wide Web as both a browsing and editing medium; the latter capability was largely forgotten when the Web began its precipitous growth and the most popular clients did not provide the ability for users to edit Web pages.

The wiki changed this asymmetry by placing the editing functionality on the server. Consequently, if a page can be read, it can be edited in any browser. With a wiki, the user enters a simplified markup into a form on a Web page. Using the Wikipedia syntax one simply types "# this provides a link to [[Giddens]]" to add a numbered list item with a link to the "Anthony Giddens" article. The server-side Wikipedia software translates this into the appropriate HTML and hypertext links. To create a new page, one simply creates a link to it. Furthermore, each page includes links through which one can sign in (if desired), view a log of recent changes to the page (including the author and time), or participate in a discussion about how the page is being edited on its "Talk" or "Discussion" page—and this too is wiki. The application of the simple and general wiki platform enables surprisingly sophisticated content creation.

Because users are working together on a single server, other useful features have been implemented. The "Watchlist" is a special page, like a collection of Wikipedia bookmarks, that permits a user to keep track of edits to articles she is concerned with (i.e., "watching.") A wiki template is "a page which can be inserted into another page via a process called transclusion" (Wikipedia,2007ah). These small template "pages" (usually no more than a few lines of text) can include warnings about the status or quality of an article. Templates are most often invoked by way of a shortcut that is specified via a pair of curly parentheses. So, with the inclusion of the "{{pp-vandalism}}" tag a Wikipedia page will include a warning box that "this page is currently protected from editing to deal with vandalism." A special page can then easily list all pages presently using that template, so Wikipedians can keep an eye on those pages that are being locked. And, as we will see throughout this work, wikis are often thought of as potent collaborative tools because they permit asynchronous, incremental, and transparent contributions from many.

Yet, as is often the case, the consequence of this quick and informal approach of editing the Web was not foreseen—or, rather, was pleasantly surprising. The wiki-based Wikipedia is the populist offshoot of the Nupedia encyclopedia project started in March of 2000 by Jimbo Wales and Larry Sanger. Nupedia's mission was to create a free encyclopedia via rigorous expert review under a free documentation license. Unfortunately, this process moved rather slowly and having recently been introduced to wikis, Sanger persuaded Wales to set up a scratch-pad for potential Nupedia content where anyone could contribute. However, "There was considerable resistance on the part of Nupedia's editors and reviewers …to making Nupedia closely associated with a website in the wiki format. Therefore, the new project was given the name 'Wikipedia' and launched on its own address, Wikipedia.com, on January 15 [2001]" (Wikipedia,2006c).

Wikipedia proved to be so successful that when the server hosting Nupedia crashed in September of 2003 (with little more than 24 "complete" articles and 74 more in progress (Wikipedia,2006h)) it was never restored. As of September 2007 there are over "75,000 active contributors working on more than 5,300,000 articles in more than 100 languages" (Wikipedia,2007av); the original English version exceeds 2,000,000 articles, having long ago subsumed most of the original Nupedia content. The Wikimedia Foundation, incorporated in 2003, is now the steward of Wikipedia as well as a wiki based dictionary, compendium of quotations, collaborative textbooks, and a repository of free source texts.

The Core Content Policies

The three core policies of Wikipedia are "Neutral Point Of View" (NPOV) (Wikipedia,2006x), "No Original Research" (NOR) (Wikipedia,2006y) and "Verifiability" (Wikipedia,2006af). Understanding these complementary concepts goes a long way towards understanding Wikipedia culture itself.

While NPOV at first seems like an impossible, or even na�ve, reach towards an objectively neutral knowledge, it is quite the opposite. The NPOV policy instead recognizes the multitude of viewpoints and provides an epistemic stance in which they all can be recognized as instances of human knowledge—right or wrong. The NPOV policy seeks to achieve the "fair" representation of all sides of the dispute such that all can feel represented (Wikipedia,2006x). Hence, the clear goal of providing an encyclopedia of all human knowledge explicitly avoids many entanglements. Yet, when disagreements do occur they often involve alleged violations of NPOV. Accusations of and discussions about bias are common within the community and any "POV pushing"—as Wikipedians say—is seen as compromising the quality of the articles and the ability for disparate people to work together. Almost a century ago H. G. Wells also appreciated this point as it related to his proposal for a World Brain: an "encyclopedia appealing to all mankind" must remain open to corrective criticism and be guarded "with utmost jealousy against the incessant invasion of narrowing propaganda;" it must have the "general flavor" of skepticism and that for "myth, however venerated, it must treat as myth and not as symbolical rendering of some higher truth or any such evasion" (Wells,1938, p.55). However, violations of NPOV are not necessarily purposeful, but can result from the ignorance of a new participant or the heat of an argument. In some circumstances, the debate legitimately raises substantive questions about NPOV. In any case, while some perceive NPOV as a source of conflict, it may act instead as a conduit: reducing conflict and otherwise channeling arguments in the productive context of the primary goal of developing an encyclopedia.

The last two policies are both about attribution, meaning "All material in Wikipedia must be attributable to a reliable, published source" (Wikipedia,2007az). The notion of "No Original Research" (NOR) (Wikipedia,2006y) permits the community to avoid arguments about crackpots, pet theories, neologisms, and vanity links (i.e., a person links from the Wikipedia to a site they wish to promote). If someone has "a great idea that you think should become part of the corpus of knowledge that is Wikipedia, the best approach is to publish your results in a good peer-reviewed journal, and then document your work in an appropriately non-partisan manner" (Wikipedia,2006y). Interestingly, one of Wells contemporaries in time and vision, the Belgian "documentalist" Paul Otlet, had a similar notion for his own project: "Readers, abstractors, systematisers, abbreviators, summarizers and ultimately synthesizers, they will be persons whose function is not original research or the development of new knowledge or even teaching existing systematic knowledge. Rather their function will be to preserve what has been discovered, to gather in our intellectual harvests, classify the elements of knowledge" (Otlet,1990a, p.83-84). Since Wikipedia does not publish original research, Verifiability then implies that "any reader must be able to check that material added to Wikipedia has already been published by a reliable source" (Wikipedia,2006af).

These three policies of "Neutral Point of View," "No Original Research," and "Verifiability" have been characterized as the "holy trinity" of Wikipedia (GeorgeLouis,2006), without one being preeminent over any other, according to Wales:

I consider all three of these to be different aspects of the same thing, ultimately. And at the moment, when I think about any examples of apparent tensions between the three, I think the right answer is to follow all three of them or else just leave it out of Wikipedia. We know, with some certainty, that all three of these will mean that Wikipedia will have less content than otherwise, and in some cases will prevent the addition of true statements. For example, a brilliant scientist conceives of a new theory which happens to be true, but so far unpublished. We will not cover it, we will not let this scientist publish it in Wikipedia. A loss, to be sure. But a much much bigger gain on average, since we are not qualified to evaluate such things, and we would otherwise be overwhelmed with abject nonsense from POV pushing lunatics. There is no simple a priori answer to every case, but good editorial judgment and the negotiation of reasonable people committed to quality is the best that humans have figured out so far. :) –Jimbo Wales 15:33, 15 August 2006 (UTC) (Wales,2006g)

These norms will be more fully discussed in the following chapters.

A Bibliographic Note

The type and number of bibliographic sources of this work merit comment.

First, most of the primary sources are exclusively online. Quotations from e-mail and most online resources have no page numbers associated with them. Also, my intention is to present quoted text verbatim, with minimal corrections or editorial caveats such as "[sic]." Given the large amount of grammatical and syntactical deviations online, I fear it would interfere with the text, consequently I usually make such interventions only when they are necessary to comprehension.

Second, many of the printed sources (primary and secondary) are now online. This is common in recent works where authors place versions of a print publication online, or where older works are now in the public domain and have been republished online. In such cases I use the publication date of the version I used. If necessary, I include the original publication date in prose adjacent to the reference, and I include it in the title of the work in the bibliography. For example the bibliographic entry for the republication of H. G. Wells' "A Modern Utopia" would be:

Wells, H. (2004). A modern utopia (1905). (6424). Retrieved on September 20, 2006 from < http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext04/mdntp10h.htm>.

The page numbers associated with print-only sources obviously correspond to the printed page. For those sources that are also online, the page number might be associated with the pagination of the printed online resource from which I first took my notes, or the printed material, for which I later found an online copy. I believe it will be clear to the reader which is the case.

Finally, Web sources do change, particularly wiki pages! Wherever possible I include the date of the version of the source to which I am referring. Wikimedia resources are also identified by their versioned, "stable" or "permanent," URL. On a couple of occasions, I do reference different versions of the same wiki page.

All of this may sound confusing, and it was no easy task coming to this understanding, but in the end I hope it is useful. If the intention of bibliography is to permit the reader to follow the author's journey through the sources, the ready accessibility of online resources is a boon to all.

...

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