At the Fulcrum of Time
                    Joseph M. Reagle Jr.


     After surveying a great amount of Newton's alchemical

manuscripts, Lord Keynes wrote:

   Newton was not the first of the age of reason.  He was
   the last of the magicians, the last of the Babylonians
   and Sumerians, the last great mind which looked out on
   the visible and intellectual world with the same eyes as
   those who began to build our intellectual inheritance
   rather less than 10,000 years ago.1

The aptness of this quotation has led it to be mentioned in

almost any paper, book, or lecture which attempts to address

Newton's alchemy.  I found it useful as an introduction to

Newton, as did Betty Jo Teeter Dobbs, in her book The

Foundations of Newton's Alchemy.   The above book is an

extensive text on the influences that contributed to the

development of Newton's alchemical theories.  Though I shall

not be able to concern myself with even a fraction of the

subject matter addressed by Dobbs, I do hope to use her text

in order to present my own topic for this paper.

     The corpus of Newton's scientific work is amazing not

only for its brilliance but it's bewildering breadth of

subject material.  Newton, like many of his contemporaries,

forged new paradigms of thought from a wide variety of

esoteric concepts.  In this paper I will present a few

examples that reflect the interesting contrast of archaic

and modern concepts in Newton's alchemical work.

Newton's Alchemy

     Before proceeding on to discuss Newton's attitudes

towards his work, I shall first present a short description

of alchemy.  Alchemy was a combination of mystical and

physical thought.  Until Descartes, matter and spirit were

considered to be interrelated.  Descartes and the mechanical

philosophers thought that all motion and matter were

motivated by the interaction of atoms or "corpuscles."  This

coprusclean theory was not accepted by Newton.  Instead,

Newton continued to hold the view that matter was motivated

by a vital agent.  This agent, known also as the divine

spirit or vegetative spirit, was thought to be that which

impregnated an egg in the presence of the sperm and

mineralogical processes were conceived of in similar

biological terms:

   
   ...but he was convinced that the processes of vegetation
   were similar in all three kingdoms of nature: the animal
   kingdom, the vegetable kingdom, and the mineral kingdom.2

This common view was known as the Sendivigian theory.3  One

of its central points was that metals grew at the center of

the earth.  Here metallic seeds would congeal in a mercuric

and sulfuric matrix, incubated by the internal heat of the

earth and the radiant energy of the sun, to form metals.

Due to crude airs in the pores and bowels of the earth, this

process would often be corrupted.  The two "elements" of

mercury and sulfur would not combine properly to form gold,

but coarser minerals.

     Yet it was thought the alchemists equipped, with the

correct knowledge, could better nature.  This correction was

also conceived in terms of the natural process of life:

death and rebirth.  Just as a carcass rots in the heat of

the day, minerals could be decomposed (putrefication) into

smaller parts so as to be recombined.  (Newton thought the

smallest particles were black, hence when heat putrefied a

substance into smaller particles it turned black.)

     After purtrefication, the natural process was further

simulated by the alchemist by attempting fermentation, or

the reformation of the atomic particles in a structure that

was more suitable to the alchemist's needs.

     Often alchemists would attempt to use the natural

processes, and the properties of "magnetism" in order to

extract more perfect mercuries and sulfurs.  Doing so would

allow them to unlock the process by which matter was

created, and possibly create the perfect matter: gold.

     Newton used the above concepts as a basis for his own

theories.  For instance, Newton attempted to revise the

model of sulfuric and mercuric composition into a heirchical

atomic structure which was based on 'fatty' and 'earth'

particles respectively.

     Different compounds would have various levels of

complexity: fatty and earth particles would be bound

together in a variety of ways so as to explain the phenomena

of color, smell, or interactions with other substances.

Dobbs' provides an example of this type of reasoning:



In other words, the particles of "last order" in a "fatty
body" were conceived as having at least one central particle
of an earth which had some acid particles embedded deeply
enough than an acid could not exert its influence towards
the exterior of the large particle.4

     Perhaps the most interesting aspect of his atomic

theory was the nature of how the structure of a particle

affected its apparent color:


And this Order of the green of all Vegetables seems to be,
partly by reason of the Intenseness of their Colours, and
partly because when they whither some of them turn to a
greenish yellow... Which changes [of color] seem to be
effected by the exhaling of the Moisture which may leave the
tinging Corpuscles more dense, and some what augmented by
the Accretion of oily and earthy Part of that Moisture.5

     Hence, Newton attempted to theorize on the size of the

changing particle as it lost water by pointing to the change

of the leaf's color.  (He even constructed tables on the

"order" of a particle, its size, and color.)  His other

theories are intriguing as well, yet his concepts on the

nature of science and methodology are equally interesting.



Newton's Attitude Towards Secrecy

     One of the strong traditions of ancient magicians,  and

alchemists was secrecy.  Often societies such as the

Rosicrucians, Knights Templar, Free Masons, and mystical

religions felt that knowledge could be garnered from divine

or supernatural entities.  Such knowledge would be gaurded

jealousy to insure one's own power.

     Alchemists adhered to this tradition in their own way,

attempting to learn about the world (spirit and matter) by

tampering with the process by which matter was created.  The

means of communicating ones discoveries to others were

through cryptical allusions, stories, or illustrations.6

     In the sixteenth century the nature of alchemical

investigation began to change.  Marsenne's attack on

occultism was the beginning of a reformation by which: "the

alchemists should found an academy in which they could study

the positive results of their experiments without mystery

and without secrets."7

     In England, Marsenne's colleagues, Hartlib and John

Dury8 attempted a similar movement:

   
   Thus the situation was created whereby the reforming
   movement which was originally closely associated with
   alchemy and relied upon the most mystical and spiritual
   variety of that much abused study for the illumination
   needed for reform came under the calming and
   rationalizing influence of the new mechanical
   philosophers.  The way was prepared for the
   rationalization of alchemy, its chemicalization and its
   clarification.9

Not only were the attitudes concerning the secrecy of

knowledge changing, but how one should go about obtaining

the knowledge.  Dobbs writes of two men, Wilsons and "Mr. T.

T." who in 1681 attempted to extract "philosophical

mercury", the quintessence of mercury, from one pound of

common mercury using heat over a 16 hour period.  They were

able to extract about one pint of liquid, of which Wilson

wrote, "We pleased ourselves wonderfully with our supposed

treasure which we concluded could be no less than the

universal menstruum."10

     Yet, Wilson and "Mr. T. T." continued in the spirit of

the new empiricism to determine the exact nature of their

liquid.  They concluded it was ordinary water.  This

critical approach was carried even further so as to

determine a possible source of error in their own and

other's experiments.


   ...that Mr. Boyle, and others, were deceived by some
   unheeded circumstance, when they thought they obtained a
   water from mercury, which should seem rather to have
   arisen from the lute, and earthen vessels, made use of
   in the distillation; for Mr. Hales could not find the
   least sign of any moisture, upon distilling the mercury
   in a retort made of an iron gun-barrel, with an intense
   degree of heat, although he frequently cohobated the
   mercury which came over into the recipient.11
     One would think Newton would have embraced these modern

concepts of critical empiricism and the reporting of

experimental error, yet his chemical method remained firmly

rooted in the past.

     Newton deliberately held that alchemical information

ought not be disseminated.  It is a fact that Newton rarely

made notes of, or published much of his failed alchemical

experiments.  Interestingly, he did not publish what he

considered to be a great alchemical success, and further

wrote to Oldenburg that Boyle, who worked on a problem

similar to Newton, should remain silent in order to keep

crude hands from unleashing a damaging force:

   
   But yet because ye way by wch mercury may be so
   impregnated, has been thought fit to be concealed by
   others that have known it, & therefore may possibly be
   an inlet to something more noble, not to be communicated
   wthout immense damage to ye world...12
By this letter we see that Newton does contrast with the new

scientific atmosphere of his time.  Interestingly, his

motivation for the secrecy is similar to that which

motivated scientists in WWII to end the tradition of

openness, which gained much strength in Newton's time, for

fear that ballistic or nuclear knowledge might empower the

fascist dictators.  So, it would seem Newton had both

archaic and modern company is his views on the publication

of scientific results, as did his approach towards chemical

research.



Newton's Methodology

     Newton's methodology can be seen in two lights: a

combination of the most ancient esoterica and contemporary

laboratory work.  Newton approached his investigations as a

means of attempting to restore the knowledge of the

ancients.  This concept of ancient wisdom, prisca sapentia,

was probably an influence from More's "Immortality of the

Soul."13

     Within this text, More had attempted to defend an

argument by relying on the authority of reason, divine

authority, and the authority of antiquity.  The number of

ancient authorities cited probably encompassed every ancient

civilization known at the time, including Egyptian, Indian,

Greek, and especially the Cabalistic interpretation of the

Old Testament--and various Christian revelations.  This

combination of antiquity, their association with divinity,

and the ancients' status as philosophers suggested that they

had been the fount of knowledge that had subsequently been

lost or confused by those lesser than them.14  More had even

considered Moses to be "the greatest Philosopher certainly

that ever was in the world."

     Newton had accepted the above view as valid, and used

the doctrine of prisca sapentia throughout his scientific

and theological studies.  So much so, that in his text, "The

Language of the Prophets", he explored the technique of

interpreting ancient wisdom:

   
   ...The Rule [for fixing the signification of the
   prophet's types and phrases] I have followed has been to
   compare the several mystical places of scripture where
   the same prophetic phrase or type is used, and to fix a
   signification to that phrase that agrees best with all
   the places...15
The above rule  was considered to be just as applicable

towards chemical or alchemical studies as torwards

theological research.

     Dobbs considered Newton's alchemical methodology to

consist of three stages and we can see Newton's "rule"

clearly within the second step:

   
   First came the choice of material to be studied.  Here
   one may see Newton turning to the most esoteric and
   mysterious production of the alchemists...
   The second step in his method was the rational analysis
   to find "significations".  During that stage, Newton
   might draw on cross-references to other alchemical
   authors, or his on chemical knowledge...
   The third step of course carried out the testing...16
     An excellent example of this method applied, concerns

the translation of John de Monte Snyders' " The Metamorphis

of the Planets."  As illustrated by the large library of

circulating manuscripts during this time, Dobbs expected

that since this text had been published in German and Latin

only, Newton must have received an English translation from

one of his acquaintances in the Royal Society circle.  She

further notes: "...Newton's approach to Snyders was exactly

the same as that which he used in the interpretation of

prophecy: a rational, matter-of-fact analysis aimed at

finding the true "significations" of Snyders' allegorical

figures and actions."17

     To further explain how Newton went about using the

"Metamorphis of the Planets" for his studies, Dobbs tertiary

classification may be applied to his experiments.

     First, it was often the case throughout history that

astrological symbols were thought to be linked with those

minerals or substances that have a common symbol.  Hence,

Saturn was thought to be sympathetic with lead, Mars with

iron, Venus with copper, and Jupiter (Jove) with tin.  For

Newton, looking for secret transformations hidden in obscure

astrological terms, Snyders' work may have seemed like a

grand cookbook with alchemical recipes translated into

allegorical myth.

     Secondly, the following passage from Snyders

demonstrates the rich symbolism that so intrigued Newton and

motivated him to grasp alchemical "significations":

   
   Wherefore the good Jupiter mounted upon the wings of his
   nimble Eagle and hastened to ye Palace & having obteined
   audience steps in, makes his due reverence wth his
   scepter, bows his knees, kisses ye foot of ye Monarch,
   presents his Eagle to his service..."18
     Following the methodology further, Newton proceeded to

the third step which was to use the above text as a basis

for a variety of experiments.  The experiments for this

passage attempted to form "Jove's Eagle", some derivative of

tin, by translating the deities into their chemical

counterparts, and their actions into chemical/physical

processes.

     Newton offered three possible alchemical translations

of the passage and actually experimented with his first two.

Neither experiment proved successful and he offered a third

possible translation without commenting as to whether he had

attempted to confirm it.

     What is striking about the above experiments is that

Newton functioned in the same capacity as an alchemist  as

he did a physicist, or as a scientist of today would.

Newton attempted to test theories in a rational matter.

Presented with stimuli he could not understand, he proceeded

to form various theories, test them, reform, and rethink

them countless times until coming upon a conclusion that

adequately explained the phenomena, (or until he would tire

and turn to a different avenue of experimentation.)

     What differentiates Newton from today's scientist, is

that he not only considered what his senses told him (as

seen by his optics and physics work) but mythological

writings that stemmed from the ancient philosophies of

Moses, Pythageus, Zoraster and Jesus.  This peculiar use of

archaic and modern principles by Newton is not only

fascinating to the modern reader, but instructive, on self

reflection, about our conceptions of the past, and

consequently the present.








Bibliography

Dobbs, Betty Jo.  The Foundation of Newton's Alchemy: or
 "The Hunting of the Green Lyon." Cambridge: Cambridge
 University Press, 1975.

Dobbs, Betty Jo.  Alchemical Death and Resurrection: The
 Signifigance of Alchemy in the Age of Newton.
 Smithsonian Institution Libraries: Washington D.D., 1990.

Marks, John. Science and the Making of the Modern World.
_______________________________
1 Dobbs, Betty Jo.  The Foundation of Newton's Alchemy: or
 "The Hunting of the green Lyon".  Cambridge: Cambridge
 University Press, 1975. p. 13.
2 Dobbs, Betty Jo.  Alchemical Death and Resurrection: The
 Signifigance of Alchemy in the Age of Newton.
 Smithsonian Institution Libraries: Washington D.D., 1990.
 p. 2.
3 Dobbs, p. 158.
4 Dobbs, p. 219.
5 Dobbs, p. 223.
6 Dobbs, (Alchemical Death) insert.
7 Dobbs, p.57.
8 John Dury's son-in-law was Henry Oldenburg whom proceeded
 him in acting as a central point for correspondance
 concerning natural philosophy.
9 Dobbs, p. 63.
10 Dobbs, p. 74.
11 Dobbs, p. 85.  (My italics.)
12 Dobbs, p 195.
13 Dobbs, p. 105.
14 As seen by the various tales of the Tower of Babel.
15 Dobbs, p. 109.
16 Dobbs, p. 175.
17 Dobbs, p. 168.
18 Dobbs, p. 169.